Article Review: The Ibadiyah in Muslim Sicily by Nardo Chiarelli

The arrival of a boat from Ifrīqīyah in Sicily, from a mural in Mazara

Summary: This book is written by Nardo Chiarelli, the  author of The History of Muslim Sicily and expands on the work in the books about the Ibadis. The Ibadi sect of Islam makes for the third largest group of Muslims, and their origins, like Shias and Sunnis, go all the way back to the the first years of the establishment of Islam when many of the divisions that currently exist began. Today, Ibadi Muslims make up a large part of Oman, on the Arabian Peninsula. But, historically, the Amazigh (described by the older term, Berbers in the article) of North Africa had historically embraced Ibadism at times and among certain tribes. This article explains the evidence that suggests a connection between Ibadi Berbers and migration to Sicily in the form of names of towns and people, archaeological evidence, and historical accounts. 

Key Quotes, Information, or Chapter: 

- Members of the invading army of Arabs, Persians (Khurasānī), Andalusians and Berbers settled there. The largest group to settle in Sicily was the indigenous population of North Africa, known in the Middle Ages and today as the Berbers.

- The island’s fertility was well known, and since its soil excelled in the production of the same crops (especially wheat, barley, olives, grapes and figs) grown in North Africa, immigrants moved there in substantial numbers.

- In addition, land was available for settlement because the previous century saw economic and demographic instability most likely due to the series of plagues from 541 to 135/752. It is estimated that the population within the Byzantine Empire may have declined by as much as 30%.

- Some urban centers, such as Gela, Selinunte, Segesta and other ancient settlements, had been abandoned. Depopulation and demographic decline is also confirmed in contemporary Greek sources and archeological findings. Some Arabic sources also mention that the island was sparsely populated when the Muslims arrive.

- The Arabs were the other group to colonize the island. These settlers, who originally came from Andalus, Arabia, Syria and Yemen, were not as numerous as the Berbers, but represented the dominant religious, military and ruling elite. They were represented by members of both the Muḍar and Qaḥṭān groups, such as the Azd, Kināna, Lakhm, Sha‘rān, Tamīm, and others.

- According to the legal scholar al-Dāwūdī there was a steady flow of people from

Ifrīqīya to Sicily during the 4th/10th century. A major movement from North Africa is recorded during the great famine of 395/1004 -1005, when rich and poor, urban and rural folk, as well as Bedouins fled to the island. Another migration from Ifrīqīyah occurred in 451/1059, that is, after the Normans controlled most of the island. 

- The first group of Ibāḍīs to settle in Sicily were those of the invading military forces and those auxiliary groups that sustained them. A major part of the invading army was composed of members of the Hawwāra tribe, one of the largest and most influential Ibāḍī Berber groups in North Africa during the 2nd/8th to the 5th/11th century

- One of the leading commanders of the conquering army was Zawāwa Ibn Ni’mah al-Khalaf, a member of the Hawwāra tribe.

- It appears that these early settlers were mostly concentrated in the north and west of the island, that is, where the Muslim army first took control and established its administrative apparatus. Evidence on the presence of Berber tribes adhering to Ibāḍīsm in this northern region is revealed in the toponyms of the hamlets, towns and villages of this period that show that a large number of the settlements derive their names from individual members of Berber tribes, or to the names of Berber tribes themselves.

- We see a Berber tribe giving its name to two settlements. One in the north, near Palermo and one in the south, such as the Ibāḍī Berber tribe of Faṭanāsa (also Fuṭṭanāsa). One village, Raḥl Fuṭṭāsina, was located in the north near the present village of Corleone; the other, Fetanasino in Norman documents, lay between Ragusa and Enna. This tribal name evokes the Ibāḍite Berber tribe of Faṭanāsa or Fuṭṭanāsa, a branch of the Mazāta that in the medieval period inhabited the town of Faṭanāsa located inthe Jarīd region between Tozeur and Qabīlī on the trade route going to Qābis

- Not far from the present town of Monreale was the medieval village of Raḥl Maghāghī, a settlement named after the Lawāta sub-tribe of Maghāgha.

- The nisba (an adjectival appellation, which maybe formed from a town, tribe or profession) of people such as al-Rīghī; al-Maklātī; al-Masallātī; al-Misrātī, and Waddānī, (40) are found along with the many Hawwārī, Zanātī, Lawātī, Nafzāwī, (41) the mainstay tribes of the Ibāḍī Rustumid state.

- The capital city of Sicily, Palermo, also appears to have had an Ibāḍī presence. Ibn Ḥawqal reports that a large number of the inhabitants of the capital city were Barqajāna Berbers.

- From the region of Enna south to Ragusa, Modica, Scicli and Noto we find settlements and toponyms as well as archaeological finds that strongly hint of an Ibāḍī presence.

- A stronger example is found in Angevin records of the 8th/14th century where mention is made of the town of Tahartina in the region of Noto. (61) In 535/1140 it was part of four hamlets, and today it is located in the contrada San Marco, some 10 kms north of Noto Antica. Adjacent to this site is the cave complex and stream known today as Manghisi. This appears to be the name of the Ibāḍī tribe and town of Manjisa, which was part of the district of Tahert in Algeria.

- Studies on cave dwellings (troglodytic houses) found in western and southern Sicily - especially in the areas of Enna, Modica, Noto, Ragusa, and Scicli - indicate that their design and plan are the same as those found in the troglodytic settlements of southern Tunisia and Jabal Nafūsa, that is, the region where Ibāḍī Berber tribes predominated. In some cases these cave dwellings have been shown to be used as mosques, since they clearly show a qiblah and miḥrāb. 

- The most compelling evidence, however, comes from the 5th/11th century Ibāḍī scholar Sulaymān al-Wisyānī who sheds light on Sicily’s confessional ties to the Ibāḍī spiritual center at Jerba. He reports in his work Kitāb al-Siyar that one of the Ibāḍī communities in Sicily sought guidance on some legal questions.

- [This] points to Sicily’s multi-sectarian religious heritage and the recognition that Muslim Sicily reflected the religious diversity found in the rest of the Islamic North Africa.

- The presence of Ibāḍī tribes in Palermo and other areas of Sicily indicates that during the period of Islamic rule Sicily was part of the Ibāḍī trade network, which was organized on “confessional” as well as a tribal lines, and monopolized trade between the sub-Sahara and the Mediterranean coast.

Reflections of il Moro: Chiarelli summarizes clearly the ideas introduced in his book, The Muslim History of Sicily, by showing the clear throughline of evidence that shows the presence of Ibadi Amazigh (referred to as Berbers in the article) in Sicily. He begins by establishing evidence of large scale migration from Ifrīqīyah (Tunisia) during the time of Muslim colonization. Many parts of Sicily were depopulated or abandoned, and there was large amounts of land available. Although Muslims from many regions came to Sicily during this time, the majority are believed to have been Berbers, originally as part of the military. Given that the flow of people came primarily through Ifrīqīyah, this should not be surprising. Members of the Hawwāra tribe led the military, and there is strong evidence that they kept in contact with Djerba, in southern Tunisia. Ibn Ḥawqal, the famous Muslim traveler, also wrote that many people in Palermo were Barqajāna Berbers. One of the most surprising pieces of evidence came from the Southeast region of Sicily the design and plan of cave dwellings (which were used into the 20th century) are the same as those found in the settlements of southern Tunisia and Jabal Nafūsa, where Ibāḍī Berber tribes were common. Chiarelli says that, “ In some cases these cave dwellings have been shown to be used as mosques, since they clearly show a qiblah and miḥrāb.” Chiarelli argues that she shows the diversity of Muslim presence in Sicily. And I would take it a step further, and say that it shows the continued legacy in the form of place names, family names, and undoubtedly ways of living. 

Link to the full research article

Article Review: Signs of the Times: Arabic Signatures as a Measure of Acculturation in Norman Sicily by Jeremy Johns Nadia Jamil

The charter to build the Santa Maria dell’Ammiraglio in Palermo with Roger II's signature in Arabic at the top

Summary:
In this article, Johns and Jamil look at the documented evidence of the use of Arabic signatures by the kings and royal court of the Normans from Roger II to Frederick II, with the emphasis on Roger II. The article examines limited evidence of the use of an Arabic signature, specifically in the charter to build the Santa Maria dell’Ammiraglio in Palermo, and the discussion from other sources. The article makes the argument that Roger II used scribes to establish the signature in order to project power and status, and suggest rulership over all of Sicily. The article also compares the signature attributed to Roger II to others in his court, and the differences in what was said and what it conveyed.

Key Quotes, Information, or Chapter:
- Although little attention has been given in recent scholarship to signature practices in the Islamic world, it was an area of focus in Medieval times, including the use of a motto of religious significance

- King Roger’s (II) translation of documents was not by chance but was the result of importing and hiring script writers from outside Sicily in Arabic, Greek, and Latin, and was done to enhance the view of his leadership and show his authority over all aspects of the island

- This is also reflected in imagery and architecture - King Roger was depicted not just as a Latin king, but also in Byzantine imperial robes of a bygone age, and in the guise of an Islamic sultan.”

- “That extraordinary flourishing of art and architecture in Norman Sicily lasted only sixty years, from the coronation of King Roger (II) on Christmas Day, 1130, to the death of his grandson, William II, in 1189. On William’s death the dynasty failed, and the increasingly fragile hold of the Norman kings upon their subjects was broken. The Latins attacked the Muslims, who fled to the mountains of the interior and in their hilltop refuges created an independent rebel emirate that fought on until the final destruction of the Muslim community in 1246.”

- Frederick II attempted to recreate something of the atmosphere that had surrounded his grandfather but was unable to reproduce the unique palace culture of Norman Sicily.”

- Ibn Jubayr visiting Sicily in 1184-85:



- “King Roger’s alama alama is preserved, and is one of the few documents from the Fatimid period to survive. It is a document giving consent to build Santa Maria dell’Ammiraglio, the church founded by his vizier, George of Antioch and is written in Greek and Arabic.”

- The alama reads “Praise be to God, and thanks for His blessings”

- One challenge is that this does not seem to be a regular feature of documents for King Roger

- When used in 1130 and 1143, it is modeled after Fatimid rulers

- King Roger’s standard signature was in Greek, but likely not written by him, it was done by scribes

- The alama is likely also done by a scribe, an expert in Arabic calligraphy

- For our purposes, the point to stress is that Roger’s Arabic signature does not indicate the extent to which he was Arabicized, but rather the pains that he and his ministers took to ensure that he appeared to be so. Roger’s

alama helps to explain how it came to be believed, for example by Ibn Jubayr, that he and his successors could read and write Arabic—a deliberate fiction that contributed to the illusion that they resembled Muslim rulers.”

- “The Cappella Palatina, for example, was not the spontaneous product of the fusion of Arab, Greek, and Latin cultures in Sicily, but rather the deliberate creation of King Roger and his ministers, who imported mosaicists from Byzantium, painters from Fatimid Egypt, and masons and stone carvers from Campania and Puglia, who each contributed a part to the artificial and composite royal image. Once in Palermo, of course, these foreign ateliers influenced both each other and their Sicilian pupils, so that there rapidly developed local traditions of mosaics, painting, sculpture, and so on.:”

- “No document bearing the alama of either William I or William II has survived, but the alama of King Roger is preserved at the head of an original document in the archive of the Cappella Palatina in Palermo. We believe this to be the only surviving alama of a ruler from the Fatimid period and, with the single exception of the alama of the Fatimid vizier Bahram that dates from March 1136 (see below), the earliest known example of an alama on an original document.”

- In the document that with King Roger’s alama , the charter for Santa Maria dell’Ammiraglio includes land in Misilmeri that includes 10 Muslim households, all listed in Arabic

- There is scant evidence that the use of the alama was standard, and there are decades that go by without any documents showing evidence of this. It is challenging to say with certainty the extent to which King Roger II engaged with Arabic.

- Roger II was educated in Greek, but despite this, appeared unaccustomed to writing his name, and often signed documents with a cross and had scribes sign it in Greek

- Similarly, it is believed that Arab calligraphers were responsible for the signature on documents, and on the document examined, it appears that the writer tried to complete the signature in one stroke, and is comparable to other Fatimid rulers of the time

- That said, this is not an indication of Roger II use or proficiency in Arabic, but is a projection of how he wanted his rule to be perceived, especially by Muslim subjects and the larger Muslim world

- While Roger II did not write his signature, William Malconvenant, a high ranking administrator under William II, did sign his name in Arabic

- In documents written in Latin, he would sign with a cross and then add his name in Arabic - written in the Kufic script, and from left to right

- To learn Kufic, it is likely that he was instructed by an Arab scribe - in his position, he likely was mostly interacting with other Latin language speakers/writers - and adding this signature was for them to potentially believe that he knew Arabic in some form, and was close to royalty

- Multi long proclamations “were symbols of the royal policy of populus trilinguis — visual proclamations that the cohesive rule of the king had united the three linguistic communities of the island into a single Sicilian people

- From the reign of Roger II until the fall of the kingdom, the Norman kings employed eunuchs as household servants, palace officials, and administrators.

- Peter, a Berber, rose to an administrative position, and was one of the key people that ran the kingdom, along with Richard Palmer and Matthew of Salerno, and helped lead military attacks as well as put down rebellions in Sicily. After William I died, Richard Palmer joined the rebellious barons, and Peter fled to the Almohads, taking on the name Ahmed.

- Martin, a member of the royal diwan (court) had a similar signature to Peter (My trust is in God)

- Richard, another member of the royal diwan, signature read “Nothing is hidden by God”

- It is highly likely that the environment of the royal diwan allowed for collaboration across Peter, Martin, and Richard

- The eunuch, ‘Ammar was the most direct, his signature listed his actual name and added “God and the Muslims are sufficient for me” - this put him at risk if it was revealed what was said

- The authors acknowledge that by examining the signatures, it is shown how falsehoods are claimed and truth is concealed to meet a political end. This important conclusions can be drawn from examining a small detail, the signatures on documents

Samples of signatures from members of the royal court. 

Reflections of il Moro:
Did Roger II speak Arabic? Roger II’s use of Greek and Arabic are debated. Some sources share that he was tutored directly in both languages, had high fluency, and could speak multiple languages. In this paper, which is over 20 years old now, it is argued that he did not speak Arabic and likely had poor writing skills overall. The authors argue that Roger II’s use of an Arabic signature was more a projection of power than it was a reflection of Roger II’s language use. The researchers suggest that this was a fabrication for political power, building the argument on several assumptions of why there is limited evidence. Considering that Roger II famously commissioned Muhammad al-Idrisi to complete the geographical نزهة المشتاق في اختراق الآفاق (The Excursion of One Eager to Penetrate the Distant Horizons), sometimes known as the Book of Roger, it is hard to believe that Roger II did not have some level of engagement with learning Arabic. But what was more interesting about this article was learning more about Arabic signatures in medieval times. Ranging from “My trust is in God” to “God and the Muslims are sufficient for me,” the signatures reflect the depth of Muslim culture during this time of transition, and the challenges that Muslims faced as the Normans took Sicily out of the dar al-Islam and into the political structure of Europe.

Link to the full research article

Article Review: "The End of Muslim Sicily: A Poetics of Fitna" by Nicola Carpentieri

The muqarnas in the Palatine Chapel, that captures art and culture of Sicily during the end of Muslim rule and start of Norman rule. Photo by blog author.

Summary: 

Nicola Carpentieri uses the poetry of two Sicilian poets, al-Tamīmī and Ibn Ḥamdīs, to share an argument that the end of Muslim rule in Sicily meets the description of a fitna that resulted Norman conquest rather than the traditional description from Arabic sources that focuses on the Norman’s actions.. Through poetry, Carpentieri uses the poets’ internal descriptions of their own history to show how the unraveling of the Muslim community (umma) was an affront to both power and religion. This is steeped in an understanding of the history of Islam, how initial divisions early in the establishment of Islam were understood, and how people then related future conflict to those events. While Sicily’s conflict was not the result of differences in the branches of Islam (although that was present in some ways), Carpentieri argues, based on the poetic record, that it was experienced by those involved as a fracturing of the religious community that opened up the ability for the Normans to take power.

Key Quotes, Information, or Chapter:

- “Muslim presence on the island would endure for five centuries into the Norman, Hohenstaufen, and Angevin periods.”

- “little attention has been paid to poetic narratives about the end of Muslim Sicily. This [paper] is concerned with two such narratives, composed by the obscure poet Abū Muḥammad Qāsim ibnʿAbd Allah al-Tamīmī and his better-known colleague Ibn Ḥamdīs.”

- “Through their verses, the two poets sought to enshrine the loss of Sicily in the lore of the Arabian ode and the collective experience of turmoil within the Muslim umma (community).”

- fitna - commonly used as a reference to a civil war, “fitnogenic” - characterized the unrulyness of the Sicilian Muslim colony, which constantly rebelled

- “the word fitna to [describe] turmoil in the island and how the fall of the Kalbid emirate and the civil strife that ushered the Normans into Sicily, that is, the quintessential “Sicilian fitna,” were not addressed as episodes of fitna at all by Arabic historians. But Sicilian Arabic poetry provides us with a different narrative”

- “At the end of the tenth century, Muslim Sicily was collapsing from within”

- “Taking advantage of the turmoil, their vassals across the island proclaimed themselves independent, and Sicily was de facto split in independent principalities, or taifas”

- The continuous bickering of the Sicilian petty princes would eventually consign the island to the Normans, who accomplished its conquest at the end of the eleventh century.”

- An example of the continuous rebellion of Sicily: “al-Akḥal proposed to the Sicilians that they be exempt from a new tax that he would impose only on the North Africans. To this proposal the Sicilians replied that making a distinction between them and the Africans had become impossible since they had been intermarrying for so long. Unperturbed, al-Akḥal went on to propose the very same offer to the North Africans. The North Africans, apparently less scrupulous than their cousins, accepted. As a consequence, a land tax (kharaj) was imposed only on the “Sicilians.” And sure enough, the Sicilians responded with another rebellion.”

- The Fatimid-aligned Zirids in Tunisia sent an army that overthows al-Akhal with the Sicilians, but this ends up leading to a larger rebellion and backfires on the Zirids.

- “By 1040, the Kalbid kingdom had disintegrated. In place of centralized rule, local warlords had seized the main urban centers across the island and proclaimed themselves independent. Soon a power struggle would ensue, drawing the island into civil war. Once again, the Muslims turned against one another. From the chaos of the Sicilian civil war there emerged a strongman: Ibn al-Thumna, lord of Syracuse and Catania.”

- “​​Aided and abetted by Ibn al-Thumna, the Normans cross the Strait of Messina over to Sicily. They find no resistance all the way to Castrogiovanni and take possession of one town after the next. When Ibn al-Thumna is ambushed and killed by fellow Muslims in 1062 the Normans continue in their enterprise, possibly still aided by Ibn al-Thumna’s Muslim army”

- “A-Muʿizz’s successor, Tamīm, refused to abandon the hope of recovering Sicily. In 1063 he dispatched a larger army commanded by his son Ayyūb. These reinforcements were received by Ibn al-Ḥawwās, who was holding out in his impregnable citadel of Castrogiovanni. Ayyūb and his army were encamped at Agrigento”

- “So he marched against Ayyūb with his own army, and fought him in pitched battle. But the people of Agrigento stood by the North Africans, and fought with them against Ibn al-Ḥawwās. In the fray, the latter was struck and killed by an arrow. The army hailed Ayub as king of the Sicilians (mallaka al-ʿaskaruʿalay-him Ayyu‐ba).”

- ibn al-Athīr’s conclusion:

- “fitna is generally applied to disturbances or outright civil war. It suggests the idea of dissension within the umma, that borders on apostasy and the loss of divine guidance.”

- “As a state of rebellion against the divine Law, it is at once crime and punishment.”

- “fracture the cohesion of the community, plunging it into strife”

- “it is clear that al-Tamīmī was part of the Sicilian khaṣṣa —or landed aristocracy—who colonized Sicily in the ninth century”

- “the poet mourns the loss of Muslim Sicily to the Normans and the calamitous events of the Sicilian fitna that led to the invasion. The poem is highly telling of how first-hand accounts of the fitna differed from later elaborations by Arabic historians: al-Tamīmī is unequivocal in accusing the Sicilian Muslims of having called disaster upon themselves and of having brought about the end of Muslim Sicily.

- “Sicilian Muslims turn their swords against one another, and even stab in the back those fighting the real enemy (i.e., the Normans). This clear reference to Ibn al-Thumna, who summons the Normans in aid against Ibn al-Ḥawwās, would not have been lost on al-Tamīmī’s audience. Ibn al-Thumna himself, let us recall here, falls prey to an ambush by the Muslims.”

- “Ibn Ḥamdīs’s verses insist on how turmoil and infighting breach religious codes, conjuring the specter of sectarian antagonism as the great puppeteer behind the scenes of the fitna.”

- “it is clear that al-Tamīmī and Ibn Ḥamdīs were looking beyond the coast of their beloved island to an audience understood as the Maghribī Muslim community in its entirety”

- “...in their eyes it was the Muslims, and not the Normans, who broke Sicily’s heart and drained her life’s blood”

Some scenes of Muslim culture in Sicily from the Palatine Chapel. Photos by blog author. 

Reflections of il Moro: 
Carpentieri uses modern historical methods of reviewing primary documents and using accounts of those from the cultural setting, or most impacted by the events, to construct a stronger understanding of this pivotal historical moment of change in power, politics, and religion in Sicily. Carpentieri shows through the analysis of the poetry of Sicilian Muslims that there was a deeper conflict of “divine law” that would be described as a fitna, and was the result of the splintering of the community, making it vulnerable to the Normans, who were invited in by one of the competing Muslim leaders (an act that repeatedly happened in different ways through Sicilian history). The poetry and the accompanying historical record also highlight an important part of Sicilian Muslim identity. At the time of this transition, two centuries into Muslim rule, the distinction between Sicilian, African, and Muslim did not exist in the way we may think of it today. This is highlighted as an aside to the poetry, when al-Akḥal attempts to tax Sicilian Muslims. Although there is a distinction between Sicilian-born Muslims, and recent arrivals, there is a unified Sicilian Muslim identity rooted in their connection to Islam and (primarily) to North Africa. Again, when looking at the larger historical context, this makes sense. Ibn Ḥamdīs, for example, came from a Muslim family that had been established in the southeast of Sicily for 6-7 generations. Lastly, the poetry highlights something that many in the Sicilian diaspora can relate to today: The profound loss of home. Similar to this time period, in the latest history of changes in political power due to the unification with Italy, Sicilians have experienced the need to leave, and carry the profound loss of home with them. The poetry of al-Tamīmī and Ibn Ḥamdīs, beyond demonstrating the ways how to understand the end of Muslim rule in Sicily, reflect this loss and feeling of home that are still relevant to Sicilians today.

Link to full article by Nicola Carpentieri

Article Review: "What became of medieval Sicily’s Arabs? Genetic Demographic Evidence" by Louis Mendola

 

A street mural from Mazara, one of the original landing points of Muslims from Tunisia. Photo by blog author.

Summary: 
This short research article seeks to answer concisely what happened to the Arabs from the Muslim era of Sicily with genetic evidence, and based on previous research by the author himself, Louis Mendola. The research shows that genetic testing both reinforces the recorded historical facts and fills in some of the question marks. It is known and recorded that the final stand by Sicilian Muslims against the rule of the Normans and the land ownership of the Catholic Church was in the Iato area of West Sicily and resulted in Frederick II deporting an estimated 20,000 Muslims to Lucera in what today is Southern Italy. What the DNA evidence adds and that the historical record suggest is that many more Muslims integrated into Latin Sicily. Effectively, the Arab lineage never left, and continues to be part of the genetic heritage of almost all present-day Sicilians (and by extension, those in the Sicilian diaspora).

Key Quotes, Information, or Chapter:

• “By 1250, there were no Byzantine dioceses in Sicily; only a few Orthodox monasteries remained. Following a series of revolts, a few thousand Muslim Arabs were deported to Lucera in Apulia, while thousands more converted to Catholicism. By 1250, mosques were a rare sight.”

• “The genetic record revealed by DNA haplotyping confirms what historians have always known about the diversity of Sicily’s historic populations.”

• “Sicily’s population, like its culture, has been essentially endogamous since around 1300.”

• “In the case of Sicily, it has validated recorded history rather than challenged it.”

• “In its essence, the genetic evidence suggests that the greater part of Sicily’s Arabs did not simply leave the island (for Tunisia or other Fatimid lands), nor were they deported during the reign of Frederick II. Rather, such evidence as exists implies that the great majority assimilated with the Latin population, adopted Christianity and remained here in Sicily, in much the same manner as the Greek-speakers were Latinized.”

Map from What became of medieval Sicily’s Arabs? Genetic Demographic Evidence © 2016 Louis Mendola

Reflections of il Moro: 
The final quote says it all, “the great majority [of Arabs] assimilated with the Latin population, adopted Christianity and remained here in Sicily.” It is not just the DNA evidence either. It is well documented in the place names, surnames, language, food, art, and culture of Sicily. In my own family, we have the DNA evidence, but also a last name derived from Arabic, and come from a part of Sicily that historically had a large number of Arabs. Part of what Mendola tries to get at is that it is the layers of historical evidence that speak to the enduring presence. Last names alone were not necessarily indicators of DNA heritage (despite what some online sites claim), region alone is not an indicator, DNA alone is only part of the story, having Arab food in culinary tradition is not the full story - it is all of these things together that have been woven through a culture that has been largely “endogamous” (i.e. genetically unchanging) for the last 700+ years that speak to our Arab heritage.

Full article by Louis Mendola

Book Review of "The Muslims of Medieval Italy" by Alex Metcalfe

 

Summary: 
Alex Metcalfe very purposely has titled this “The Muslims of Medieval Italy,” because it does not just include the conquering of Sicily by Muslims from Ifriqiya, but also includes excursions into Southern Italy, and details of the deportation of Muslims from Frederick II to Lucera in Southern Italy, where the Muslim colony of about 15000 existed for several decades until it was disbanded in 1300 and the population was sold into slavery. Metcalfe is clear throughout the book about what there is evidence for, what different sources suggest, and where there is a need to make assumptions or guesses. Metcalfe does an excellent job of sharing the history of the establishment, structure, and end of Muslim communities from the 800s to 1300s in what came to be part of Italy today.

Key Quote, Information, or Chapter:

- The books explores the crossroads of Islam and Christianity, Europe and Africa

- The work of Michele Amari continues to be central to understanding the era

- June of 827 marks the beginning of conquest of Mazara from Ifriqiya, but it took a long time to fully conquer Sicily, and included Arabas, Slavs under the control of Arabs, troops from the Sudan and south in Africa, Berbers from Andalusia, Cretan Muslims, and others.

- Palermo was fully taken over, the last Christian institution was a small monastery outside the city walls.

- Muslims were involved politically all the way into Naples, the Amalfi Coast, and Benevento. There was even an amir established in Bari for a short period of time on the east coast from 847 - 871

- Muslims were often referred to as Saracen’s - a reference to the wife of Abraham, Sarah.

- First amir of Bari - Khalfun al-Barbari - Khalfun the Berber

- Second amir of Bari - al-Mufarraj bin Sallam, who was killed by his soldiers for unknown reasons

- Last amir of Bari - Sawdan al-Mawri - the Moor, was likely African

- After the fall of Bari, the Aghlabids appointed a governor of Sicily and one of “the Big Land,” leading to a 12 month seigh or Salerno, which was not successful.

- Qal’a(t) - “fort of” → Calta - often followed by names, which were domains of rule

- Berber tribal names can be found in Sicilian toponyms

- This is also part of the evidence for the presence of Ibaldi Muslims in Sicily via the Berbers that came to Sicily, although the use of Berber words is minimal.

- When Shiite Fatimid rule began, Sicily and Ifriqiya still have Sunni Maliki jurists that impacted politics and culture.

- In the 960s the Fatimids led re-settlement campaigns to bring Muslims into areas that were Christian strongholds such in Val Demone, such as Taormina.

- Ahmed, the ta’yid al dawla (Support of the State), appointed by al-Hakim, the Fatimid leader in Egypt, during the tai’fa period, led campaigns against Christian towns that had become too autonomous or weren’t paying tribute.

- Norman invasion, from Arabic sources, appeared to come out of nowhere, and the issue of who the Normans are, where they were from, etc is a bit complicated, the first wave was mostly ethnic Normans from Normandy, but that changed over time.

- As Roger I took control of Sicily, Ifriqiya was in disarray, with the Zirids breaking away from the Fatimids in favor of the Abbasids and being attacked by the Banu Hilal

- The full Norman occupation took 30 years to complete, and was often aided by Muslim allies in Sicily, namely Ibn al-Thumna

- Ibn al-Hawwas was a key leader in the center of the island, but was killed in battle against Zirids from Ifriqiya

- Some of the battles were brutal - in Zotica (Judica), the town was destroyed, men were all killed, and women were sold into slavery in Calabria

- Muslim leaders of Butera were also sent to Calabria, which had a small existing Muslim population, most of these people assimilated or converted in Calabria

- The Christian church had lost footing during the Muslim rule of Sicily, and the Normans granted large lands to the church, including those with Muslim communities on them

- Example of state of Christianity during Muslim rule - in western Sicily, there was one Greek archbishop located outside the city (near present day Monreale)

- The famous Sant’Agata in Catania was established the year after Muslims were defeated there

- Records of who paid the jizya tax, including those exempt under Islamic law were used and continued after Norman conquest.

- Countess Adelaide was the regent until Roger II took power as king. She continued the push toward Christianity - with her connections to Genoa, she invited many from the mainlands to settle in Sicily, which is the origins of the string of Gallo-Italic towns west of Catania, and there is evidence of Muslims leaving Sicily at this time toward Ifriqiya or to al-Andalus

- Despite this, Muslims still have a prominent role in Sicily, or converted, and most places were still majority Muslim, including Messina, and of course, Palermo

- From the start Muslims and converts played important administrative roles - George of Antioch was named the amir in 1125, also was the chief minister (wazir) until his death in 1151 - he had held administrative roles in Ifriqiya, and fled Ifriqiya due to conflict, hence holding both connection and contention with Ifriqiya

- The Martorana is not only established by George, but was important to both Greek Christians and Arab Christians

- It was visited by Ibn Jubayr during Christmas of 1184, and highly praised both for its beauty and the modesty of the Eastern rite Christians

- George’s role as the lead of the diwans was significant and stabilizing as the Norman kingdom was established

- Among the other important administrators and qadis, many were from the Banu Raja kin group, such as Abu I-daw’

- In the century after the fall of Muslim Sicily, over 50 Latin abbeys were found across 9 large dioceses, meaning the vast majority of Muslims lived on crown lands or those of a Latin-rite church - Monreale would come to cause the most conflict in the future.

- The end of the Norman period is sometimes named as the death of William II in 1189, or with the death of Frederick II, although he had inherited the throne through his German family, or it could be extended as a period through the Wars of the Sicilian Vespers which coincided with the end of the Muslim colony of Lucera on the mainland. Either way, the role of Muslims diminished and became more hostile over time

- Roger II continued much of what had been established under Muslim rule, but by the time he had consolidated power, there had not been an island wide authority in nearly 100 years (the last years of Muslim rule were clouded by regional conflict, and the Normans took several decades to fully conquer the island

- Roger II and his administrators issued several edicts early on that allowed Muslims to effectively govern themselves in most ways, and local shaykhs were depended on for governance

- Norman Sicily initially kept close ties to the Zirids in Ifriqiya and even defended them from the Banu Hammad, many from Ifriqiya came to Sicily during famine and war in North Africa

- This eventually led to the Norman taking control of parts of Ifriqiya, starting with Tripoli in 1146

- Although significant, this would not last very long for a variety of reasons

- First, the Almohad’s were expanding across the Maghrib, requiring a delicate balance of supporting local rulers and defending against the expansion

- Additionally, there was a major political fight that had significant implications for Muslims in Sicily - Philip of Mahdiyya, a palace eunuch, who knew Roger from a young age, as accused of apostasy - essentially, he was accused of continuing to be a Muslim and faking his conversion to Christianity - he was tried and executed in 1153

- The death was an example to other Muslims about power and importance - Philip was burned alive, in execution, and was a message in many ways that although Muslims in Ifriqiya were allowed to practice their faith without any retribution or hierarchy, it would not be the same in Sicily

- This tension continued into the reign of William I

- 1160s - Normans lost control of Ifriqiya, blame was placed on Muslims in the royal court, and Latin Nobles wanted more power

- Nobles, led by Simon and Tancred, ransacked the Norman Palace, and started a wave of violence and massacres of Muslims in Palermo, and burned records - the rebellion lost steam, but impacted Muslims across Sicily

- Palace eunuchs did play a big part in Muslim communities, especially as a contact with local Shaykhs

- Palace eunuchs typically had Arabic alamat - or signatures - that referenced Islam (even when they were nominally Christian)

- There are instances where eunuchs left the position and re-adopted Islam and Arab names - ext the qa’id Peter left to the Almohads, and changed his name to Ahmad al-Siqilli

- The story of the Muslims of Monreale are key to understanding the eventual deportation of many Muslims from Western Sicily

- Monreale’s land included Iato, Corleone, and Calatrasi, and Muslims were bound to these lands - and this area expanded over the time period of the late 1100s

- Muslims in these areas were led by Abu I’Qasim whose heredity traced back to the Banu I-Hammud, a tribal line from al-Andalus that claimed to trace itself back to the Prophet Muhammad

- Despite this heritage, and his claim that his position should be passed down, it is believed that some of his sons converted to Christianity, and there were benefits to converting, although it is not known how many people converted or the exact process

- This was all taking place in the midst of other changed and diverse peoples, including Greeks who didn’t follow the Latin Christian rites, Arab Christians, and Jews

- Several pages are dedicated to the Arab influence on culture, architecture, translation of classic books, education, etc.

- Back to Monreale, there are detailed records in Arabic and Greek of who was registered to the land and who was unregistered - Muslims had to by a jizya religious tax and a land tax (qanun)

- Muslims in Monreale had essentially become a source of expected revenue, leading to a Muslim revolt near 1200

- The revolt came during changes in the Norman dynasty and pressure from the Catholic church - leading to the Frederick II taking control - his relationship with Muslims was complex, but not as close or effective as Roger II, and reflected the continued decline of Muslim influence

- Muslims had consolidated under Ibn’Abbad and were fighting Frederick II’s army directly, especially in the mountainous areas of Western Sicily

- Ibn’Abbad was killed, and qa’id Maarzuq took over unsuccessfully

- Stories mention the daughter of Ibn’Abbad also being part of the leadership (which was unique)

- Muslims were given the option of recognizing the authority of Monreale, and follow the terms first laid out by William II

- When did this not work - Frederick II started deportations to Lucera, which Muslims somewhat agreed to because they would be allowed to continue their faith, this also coincided with resettling Christian rebels in Malta and ending protections for Muslims in Malta and Muslims in Malta were also sent to Lucera

- There was a final rebellion in 1243 of Muslims in the mountains, leading to more deportations

- Lucera was used as a tax base and Muslims were often drafted into military service

- They had qadis, jurists, and even some members that made the pilgrimage to Mecca

- Deportation led to declines in agriculture and life in Western Sicily, especially when paired with the Wars of the Sicilian Vespers in 1281 and 1302, and the arrival of the plague in the mid 1300s

- The population of Western Sicily would not fully recover from these three major events until the 1800s

-Lucera was disbanded in 1300

William II, presenting Monreale to Santa Maria - the establishment of Monreale would eventually lead to the deportation of a large number of Muslims connected to lands held under Monreale in Western Sicily. Photo by blog author.

Reflections of il Moro: 
There were two significant conclusions that I drew from Metcalfe’s work. First, the role of Admiral George of Antioch, who had previously worked in Ifriqiya, was significant and stabilizing. With knowledge of Muslim administration and culture, he was able to skillfully navigate the transition from Muslim rule to Norman rule in a way that allowed King Roger II to draw on the strengths of Muslims, Greeks, and Jews under his kingship. Much of the celebrated historical multicultural accomplishments come out of this time or are due to this foundation, and Admiral George’s role is under appreciated. The other important conclusion that was sad to realize was the history of Monreale as it relates to the deportation of Muslims and the destabilization of the Muslim community. Monreale is often portrayed as a great example of the fusion of cultures in Sicily, with elements of Fatimid design and Byzantine iconography in a Latin cathedral. However, the Muslims bound to the archbishop of Monreale never fully accepted the terms of the relationship. Although the Muslims and the agriculture of West Sicily were an enormous source of profit and taxes, it was also a source of rebellion. Muslim existence became less about an exchange of skills and culture, and more about a source of revenue, and later, when deported, a source for soldiers. A large portion of the population was deported in the 1200s due to this ongoing conflict. It is unclear how many may have converted or stayed by other means, although large areas, such as Iota and Corleone, were significantly depopulated as they were directly connected to Monreale. It is a hard reality to understand that Monreale is both an example of the cultures in Sicily and a source of the Latinization and end of Muslim culture in Sicily. Of course, this is not fully true, the culture lives on in the food, language, architecture, and DNA of the people, such are the contradictions of Sicily.

A few more photos from Monreale taken from my last trip there in Spring, 2025. Photos by blog author.